How to conceptualize ethnic phenomena in comparative perspective.
How can we measure “ethnicity” at different levels of analytic abstraction?
A closer look at some of my own work on popular nationalism—that is, the nationalism ingrained within individuals.
“We shall call ‘ethnic groups’ those human groups that entertain a subjective belief in their common descent because of similarities of physical type or of customs or both, or because of memories of colonization and migration” (Weber 1968).
How can we reconcile this definition with the one outlined in your textbook?
All forms of ethnicity are socially constructed—the product of political entrepreneurship, cultural contestation, social movements, mythcraft and the ghosts of history.
Even as a “construct,” the material and psychosocial consequences of ethnicity can be profound. For example, consider the durable patterns of ethnoracial segregation that define modern cities.
In studies of ethnicity, race, and nation, groupism routinely rears its head.
When analyzing social groups, analysts should shift their focus to groupness—e.g., conjunctures defined by ethnic solidarity and cohesion as opposed to fragmentation or detachment.
A focus on groupness can help scholars identify when ethnic distinctions become socially resonant and when the boundaries between ethnic units harden or shift (cf. Kuran 1998).
To avoid groupism, researchers should also study variation within so-called ethnic groups—or differences (material, attitudinal, dispositional etc.) within races, ethnicities, tribes, nations, religions and so on.
Pathbreaking studies from a variety of literatures have advanced similar arguments about the importance of highlighting intragroup differences.
Ethnicity, race and nation should be understood as perspectives on the world, not entities in the world (Brubaker, Loveman, and Stamatov 2004).
How can we think about “ethnicity as cognition” in concrete terms?
Experimental manipulation can help us understand how individuals racially classify others—and construct ethnic boundaries in the process.
Consolidation can serve as a measure of structural intersectionality.
We can think about ethnocultural attachments (to our faith communities, origin societies etc.) as nodes in broader belief systems about the self.
Historically, nationalism was anchored to transformative claims—i.e., to redraw the world map and reimagine the boundaries of geopolitical space (cf. Brubaker 2020).
Yet, contemporary nationalism is not solely “restorative” in nature (Bonikowski and DiMaggio 2016).
Schema | Profile | Identification | Membership Criteria (Exclusionism) | Pride | Hubris |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Ardent | High | High | High | High | |
Disengaged | Low | Low | Low | Low | |
Liberal | Moderate | Low to Moderate | High | Moderate | |
Restrictive | Moderate | High | Low to Moderate | Moderate to High |
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